Politics

MIT Political Science student Hao Zhang examines how the rise of global value chains reshape trade coalitions across and within national borders, ...

“As a researcher, I’m constantly under high pressure to produce, and calligraphy is spiritually beneficial to me,” he says. “That was the moment when I decided to pursue a higher degree.” Zhang first earned master’s degrees from Tsinghua University in international politics, and Johns Hopkins SAIS in international economics and China studies. In recent years, Chinese students have faced “difficult situations, with Covid and the last president making them feel alone and unwelcome,” he says. firms and members of their supply chains from 2003 to 2020; and the other showed these firms’ lobbying reports, from 2004 to 2019. And when trade barriers hit the Chinese textile and apparel industry, firms involved with these goods pushed U.S. “When the U.S. “The political strategies involved in achieving trade goals are fundamental questions in political economy,” says Zhang. and the western world in general,” he says. “But what have been missing,” he says, “are the political impacts of production linkages between firms and industries through global supply chains.” and the world.” Identifying these complex and often obscure interdependencies is essential to “advancing our understanding of trade politics,” Zhang states. “My father dealt with these firms all his life as a tax collector,” he says.

Surging support for Enough is Enough, Don't Pay and others could force Labour to harden its stance.

[Don’t Pay UK](https://dontpay.uk/) campaign, modelled on the one successful social movement since the war – the late-1980s campaign against the poll tax that led to its withdrawal and the fall of Margaret Thatcher. Truss’s destiny may be to save the left from itself – and turn hitherto unsuccessful social movements into sources of strength. But Enough Is Enough is more a shadow left party than a focused, single-issue social movement and its inevitable trajectory on past performance risks factionalising the left, posing party-management headaches for the Starmer leadership and potentially jeopardising a winnable general election. The UK labour market is now the most deregulated in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, shot through with abuse and areas of chronic exploitation. Opposition to the third year of Labour’s social contract followed in the winter of discontent. To be on the left is to want to assert social justice and challenge exploitation from whatever quarter.

The UK gets a new PM while Biden campaigns ahead of the US midterms and Sweden goes to the polls.

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On Sunday, Donald Trump branded Joe Biden an “enemy of the state” on Saturday as he hit back at the US president's assertion that the Republican and his ...

There was a time not long ago when the labels we assigned politicians meant something. Moderate, liberal, Democrat, Republican, conservative—these ...

Even if the general electorate is eager for them to reach across the aisle, principled conservatives and principled liberals will avoid doing so for fear of being labeled a RINO or a DINO. So the same person who just a few years earlier had been deemed too conservative to serve as the state’s governor was now deemed to be too moderate to be one of the state’s U.S. To avoid being labeled, officials are now afraid of doing what they think is in the public’s best interest. I hate a group of people with a ‘common purpose’. Rather than take issue with my ideas, my opponents took turns canceling me by saying I was just “one of them”—whomever the “them” was in any given moment. Nevertheless, after being accused of being less than a true progressive, he was [ousted in a primary early this year](https://news.ballotpedia.org/2022/06/01/jamie-mcleod-skinner-defeats-incumbent-kurt-schrader-in-the-democratic-primary-for-oregons-5th-congressional-district/). Suddenly people who weren’t paying close attention decided that meant I was “transphobic.” And so, after decades working with Democrats and Republican alike, I was reduced in the public’s mind to being little more than a “radical right-winger.” Endorsing my primary opponent, the former president called me a Republican in Name Only (a “RINO”), suggesting to the state’s Republican electorate I “didn’t represent ‘our’ values.” [lost a bid for reelection to another Republican](https://www.yahoo.com/now/wa-reps-herrera-beutler-newhouse-033340484.html). Working with the legislature, I both cut taxes and invested in the state’s universities and community colleges. Labeling in politics is now something akin to cussing in an argument—we resort to it to distract from the issues at hand. There was a time not long ago when the labels we assigned politicians meant something.

In her first speech, independent MP for Fowler, Dai Le, wore a traditional Vietnamese dress emblazoned with the Australian flag that was made by a designer in ...

Then we have to build the ICT systems (information and computer technology) to cope with the requirements of a new subsidy and a new childcare subsidy system. Especially in the last couple of years in particular to have lived through the difficulties and the challenges that we face as a community. about celebrating being an Australian and the multiple cultures we have become as a nation. The independent MP for Fowler, Dai Le is up next after her inaugural speech in the House of Representatives. In order to do that there are a number of things we have to do. “If we answer that question with humility, then we will recognise the limits of military power alone. refugees and other refugees from other nations, there been through the journey as well. That young Australians, of every generation, are capable of the most extraordinary bravery and sacrifice. The Qantas subsidiary said it had accommodated a majority of affected passengers and was working to find alternatives for about 200 more. The national anti-corruption commission will be “a good start”. Some passengers reported having multiple flight cancellations in the same day, no alternative flights for up to five days and limited access to customer service. Le said her community were the “forgotten people” in the election.

In their paper, Trujillo and Motta theorize how vaccine hesitancy and the politically contentious nature of vaccines during COVID-19 may “spillover” into the ...

This paper takes up the complex health systems of the Global South, which are comprised of important and revealing interactions between national social policy and international intervention. We use data from governmental and international policy documents, from the scientific literature, and secondary source documents to map out the role of the public health profession and institutions during the COVID-19 pandemic in France and the United States. The Dominican-Haitian border represents a rich opportunity to illuminate not just interactions between international interventions and national policy, but also to observe the meaningful categories of citizenship and how regimes of sub-citizenship are determined. Our cases are two ambitious but different public health professional projects in France and the United States that were both sidelined by their executives in a crisis seemingly tailored to the expertise of public health agencies and experts. Interestingly, while we find that vaccine spillover effects are more common on the ideological right, both the longitudinal and cross-sectional data suggest that those who hold (or come to hold) negative views toward COVID-19 vaccination are equally likely to express opposition to downstream vaccination programs, irrespective of partisan persuasion. The COVID-19 pandemic provides an important opportunity to rethink and restructure the public health and health care sectors of both the Global North and Global South. In a separate series of cross-sectional surveys, we also show that these findings extend to the rejection of vaccines that are still in development (e.g., Alzheimer’s and personalized cancer vaccines), which highlights both the substantive scope and robustness (i.e., because these vaccines are still in development, attitudes toward them cannot possibly be confounded by personal vaccination experiences) of COVID vaccination spillover effects. It concludes by relating public health capacity to broader issues of state capacity and democracy. This paper explores the determinants of public health capacity, distinguishing between formal institutional capacity (ie budget, staff) and informal embedded capacity (ie community ties, insulation from political pressures). In mapping out the role of public health professionals and institutions during COVID-19 in France and the United States, the authors find that the advice of public health professional was ignored by policymakers because public health professionals lacked adequate policy tools and occupied a contested professional domain. In moving beyond a consideration of formal state and public health capacity, Kuo and Kelly argue that the more robust policy response of the Bay Area was, in part, a product of partnerships between state and community-based actors. In their paper, Rozenblum, Greer, and Jarman investigate why the well-established and well-funded public health agencies of France and the United States were sidelined in policy discussions at the exact time their expertise and input was most needed.